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The Slow Burn of Trump’s Coalition

  • Chase Francis
  • 7 hours ago
  • 5 min read

Since Donald Trump’s re-election in the 2024 Presidential Race and the Republican party obtaining a trifecta in the federal government allied with a Supreme Court sympathetic to their cause it seems as though the American right has dominated all of politics. Barely a year and a half into his presidency, however, Trump’s promises to his base and to the American people are falling apart, and his presidency is suffering from historically low approval ratings.


Donald Trump’s purported mandate to the presidency and his grand political myth – one framing globalization, liberal democratic values, immigrants and queer people, and the preexisting political establishment as barriers to progress, economic growth, and social cohesion – captivated voters in 2016 and again in 2024 with a more coherent, more nationalist message. His “America First” agenda that promotes economic protectionism, white Christian values, aggressive immigration action, selective military engagement and support, and consolidation of executive power has been widely criticized for being autocratic and repressive.


Despite the promises made and the radical change he vowed to bring about, his presidency is in the gutter barely halfway into his term. Rising inflation, legal roadblocks, unprecedented low approval ratings, and political resistance have all plagued his presidency as he has not only failed to deliver on his promises, but has decreased quality of life and drastically harmed huge sects of the American population and even the world. In light of these failures, Trump has found himself disconnected from much of his base, especially the far-right MAGA movement, who, despite their name originating from Trump’s 2016 campaign slogan, often find themselves on the political fringes to a greater extent than Trump. 


Campaigning in 2024 on American noninterventionism and accountability for those involved with Jeffrey Epstein’s heinous sex trafficking ring, some of the MAGA movement has turned its back on Trump for his war with Iran due to its unclear timeframe, justification, and limits. Given his campaigning on ‘no new wars’ and inflammatory rhetoric in his 2016 campaign that set him apart from the Bush-era hawkish Republicans, Trump pulling a 180º and dragging the country into yet another conflict in the Middle East is exactly the action that would split ideologists from loyalists in his base.



In addition to Trump’s hypocrisy in regards to wars in the Middle East, his rhetoric promising to release the Epstein files while belittling Democrats and other figures purported to be associated with Epstein is another point of contention between and within his administration and base. The failure of the Justice Department, over which Trump has much sway, to follow through with the release of these documents and the extent to which documents were redacted or unreleased to the public has caused significant backlash from the MAGA movement who subscribe to right-wing podcasters and commentators like Tucker Carlson and Candace Owens, brandishing more conspiratorial and anti-government viewpoints on the entire Epstein situation.


Another facet of his campaign promise, which catapulted him into the presidency, was his focus on affordability and lowering inflation. Despite his promises, the price of gas has jumped 37% since the start of the Iran war, and food and mortgage prices have risen as well. Initiatives of his like TrumpRX have failed to cover a majority of pharmaceuticals and his ‘no tax on overtime’ campaign was not well-received due to its deceiving nature; taxes are still levied on the hours worked overtime for every cent until the additional overtime wage increase. This is just the least of his disingenuousness – many of his cuts have negatively affected low-income families and deprived them of Medicare benefits, surely alienating his lower-income base.


Much of Trump’s public statements on controversial matters seem to contradict not only himself, but those of his cabinet and allies. His recent firings of Pam Bondi and Kristi Noem demonstrate two things, one more nuanced and one obvious. Firstly, when campaigns of his administration are poorly received among his base, the Epstein fallout and grand mismanagement of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency respectively, those who speak to Congress and to the public and fail to sufficiently articulate their rationale or adequately defend the administration’s actions are ousted. 


Secondly, Trump is a misogynist. His promise to diversify the Republican party and prop up more minorities and women in his cabinet, like the aforementioned women plus Marco Rubio, Linda McMahon, and Kash Patel, falls through when their work is deemed unsatisfactory in the eyes of the patriarch; the women below suffer the consequences of the failure for the man up top to enact coherent policies. This becomes ever more evident when considering their replacements are both men previously in inferior positions. 



This all spells out a bad omen for Trump and for the Republican party as a whole. His unprecedentedly diverse Republican coalition who voted him into office is now turning on him, as racially charged ICE raids and attacks on Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion programs have alienated the Latino and Black voters who elected him. Director of the National Counterterrorism Center Joe Kent resigned over the Iran war, publicly criticizing the actions of the administration and invoking anti-Israel rhetoric. Numerous prosecutors and officials from the Department of Justice and ICE have resigned in protest of the administration’s actions or to pursue other political goals.


Trump’s presidency seems to already be at a breaking point of sorts – but shows a fractured, complex mess that may soon become a binary issue. Iran is just one of a multitude of issues that Vice President JD Vance or Secretary of State, Acting National Security Advisor, and right-hand man Marco Rubio both have the opportunity to capitalize off of – whether sticking close to Trump and riding on his political clout, or breaking from the administration and the war to appeal to its unpopularity. 


Both high-ranking officials are in discussions of a 2028 Presidential run, and Rubio’s hawkish approach toward Iran seems to conflict with Vance’s less interventionist rhetoric and public statements. The current favoritism toward Vance from Trump himself and the party may be marred by Vance’s recent focus on his personal life and relatively inactive role as the Vice President. Rubio, on the other hand, is seen as a growing contestant and more significant idealogue of Trump’s administration, despite his marginally more moderate politics and modus operandi. It will be intriguing to see which candidate Trump’s fanbase rallies behind, and what specific issues will split the two candidates if they do decide to compete for the crown.


No matter how Trump’s presidency ends, its future is shrouded and unclear. Will JD Vance step up to the throne and appeal to the far-right populist sects of Trump’s current base? Will Marco Rubio break from Trump’s camp and the Iran war to pursue his own presidential ambitions? Will the Republicans be able to win back the hearts of the women and minorities Trump’s administration has thus far oppressed and silenced? Will there be accountability for those in power involved with Jeffrey Epstein? These answers are all contingent upon Trump holding together his already-collapsing coalition, who seem to be losing their ability to persevere through Trump’s failures and letdowns.

 
 
 

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